The “Case Kitchen” corruption trial, currently underway in Madrid, faces intense scrutiny. Allegations that a covert “Operation Catalonia” targeting pro-independence leaders was deliberately excluded from proceedings have emerged. Former Interior Minister Jorge Fernández Díaz, his deputy Francisco Martínez, and several police commissioners stand accused of misusing state funds for political espionage.
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The trial began this week at the Audiencia Nacional. It examines the alleged fraudulent use of state reserved funds between 2013 and 2015. This scheme aimed to spy on former Popular Party (PP) treasurer Luis Bárcenas. Its purpose was to obtain compromising information about the party’s irregular financing. It also sought to prevent the scandal from implicating top PP officials. However, the Popular Prosecution, represented by the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), sharply criticised the court’s refusal to include former PP Secretary-General María Dolores de Cospedal in the trial. They argue this decision protects key figures from accountability.
Central to the controversy is the systematic exclusion of evidence related to “Operation Catalonia.” This alleged political espionage operation was orchestrated by a “patriotic police” structure within the Interior Ministry. It sought to create false evidence to discredit political opponents. Targets included pro-independence leaders during the “procés” from 2012 onwards. Later, leaders of the Podemos party were also targeted. Judge Manuel García-Castellón abruptly closed the investigation in July 2021. He prevented prominent beneficiaries of the alleged corrupt manoeuvre, including Cospedal and former Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy, from facing charges.
Judicial Obstruction Claims
Judge García-Castellón reportedly set aside nearly two hours of recordings from former Commissioner José Manuel Villarejo. These recordings concerned “Operation Catalonia.” The audio documents dated from 23 November to 2012 to 10 December 2012. This period coincided with early parliamentary elections in Catalonia. According to reports from El País and ElDiario.es, the judge deemed these recordings protected by Spain’s official secrets law. He argued they might contain confidential data. The material was “custodied and sealed in maximum security” at the Audiencia Nacional. It was then made available to the National Intelligence Centre (CNI). Despite this evidence and Villarejo’s public statements, the judge chose not to investigate “Operation Catalonia.” He also did not investigate the misuse of state reserved funds. Investigations into Villarejo’s activities indicated the existence of reports on former Catalan President Artur Mas. They also covered the financing of Democratic Union of Catalonia, and the 1 October independence referendum.
The Second ‘Operation Catalonia’
A second phase of “Operation Catalonia” reportedly emerged in early 2017. At this time, Rajoy’s government prepared to obstruct the impending independence referendum. Former police officer Villarejo offered the Spanish government information on “thousands of accounts” held by Catalans in Andorra. He used the husband of former Minister María Dolores de Cospedal to convey this proposal to the Rajoy executive. In a recorded conversation, Villarejo pressured Cospedal’s husband, Ignacio López del Hierro. He stated that National Intelligence Centre (CNI) officials had enquired about the minister’s role in the first “Operation Catalonia.” Villarejo stated, “This is very important, Ignacio, because it means liquidating the pro-independence supporters once and for all… It is important that numbers 1 and 2 know the situation… Tell María Dolores. The only one I trust is the Secretary of State, especially to explain the Andorra data to him, which is a line of investigation that crushes all these pro-independence supporters. There are about 12,000 accounts, of which 4,000 belong to Catalan businesspeople. And that would be great.” López del Hierro then agreed to facilitate this action.
Leaked Conversations and Unanswered Questions
This extensive information, including hours of conversations, was reportedly sidelined by Judge García-Castellón. He cited state secrecy as the reason. More recently, ElDiario.es leaked some of these hidden audios in December of the previous year. One conversation from 12 September 2017, just weeks before the referendum, revealed Cospedal and Villarejo discussing the “procés” and the “dirty war” against the independence movement. Villarejo asked, “If they detect that Vicky [Álvarez, former partner of Jordi Pujol Ferrusola] is paid by the police, we will have a big mess, don’t you think?” Cospedal responded, “Well, yes.” This conversation also mentioned informants within the Mossos d’Esquadra, Catalonia’s police force. These informants were allegedly paid with reserved funds. Villarejo explicitly stated, “We have infiltrators in the Mossos.”
Ongoing Investigations and Future Implications
Despite these revelations, the broader investigation into “Operation Catalonia” did not proceed. The Andorran judiciary remains the only institution actively investigating Rajoy, Fernández Díaz, and other officials for the Andorran branch of “Operation Catalonia.” This investigation concerns alleged interference in Andorra’s sovereignty. It involves the extortion of former Banca Privada d’Andorra (BPA) executives. The aim was to obtain banking information on the Pujol family and pro-independence leaders. The “Case Kitchen” court refused to include Cospedal, despite the Popular Prosecution’s request. This underscores ongoing concerns about accountability for alleged political espionage and misuse of state power. This decision continues to fuel debate over judicial independence and the extent of political interference in Spain.
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Originally published by VilaWeb Feed. Read original article.
